Elwood Watson: The creep of Christian nationalism

Historically viewed as a fringe belief system, Christian nationalism has become a considerable force in American politics, particularly as it relates to the current Republican Party.

A new survey from Public Religion Research Institute and the Brookings Institution revealed more than 50% of Republicans believe the country should aspire to become a devoutly Christian nation by ascribing to the fundamentals of Christian nationalism or, at a minimum, identifying with such beliefs.

Christian nationalism is the assumption the United States is a Christian nation and that the nation’s laws should be deeply rooted in Christian values. Such a mindset has long been prevalent in white evangelical spheres, but has rapidly gained considerable traction within the mainstream Republican party.

Not surprisingly, support for Christian nationalism is heavily correlated to political ideology. Americans who reside in culturally conservative red states are much more likely to espouse Christian nationalist beliefs or be more inclined to harbor Christian nationalistic sympathies. More than half of Republicans also hold Christian nationalist beliefs, compared with a quarter of independents and just 16% of Democrats.

In 2022, a collection of right-wing writers and leaders published a document titled “National Conservatism: A Statement of Principles” that stated, “Where a Christian majority exists, public life should be rooted in Christianity and its moral vision, which should be honored by the state and other institutions both public and private.”

That is an alarming and troubling statement, implying non-Christians should have second-class status in our country. That Muslims, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, atheists, agnostics and others should be deprived of equality under the law. Such rhetoric is the antithesis of freedom to worship enshrined in the Constitution.

What distinguishes Christian nationalism is not religious participation in politics but the myopic perception that Christian primacy and theology must be deeply saturated in virtually every aspect of our society. It is tied to a visceral sense that the well-being and survival of the church is closely tied to the outcome of any given political race. Christian nationalism’s supporters have little, if any, compunction about attempting to impose their personal value system upon others. Such beliefs often manifest themselves through linear ideology, a specific identity and unbridled passion.

Incidentally, it was the thrice-married serial adulterer and wayward (at least by traditional religious standards) former President Donald Trump who courted right-wing Christians. According to one analysis, Trump’s judicial appointees were almost universally Christian, and a majority had some kind of affiliation with a religious group such as a church or other religious foundation.

Trump appointed three of the six U.S. Supreme Court justices who voted to overturn Roe v. Wade in 2022. Unable to garner the support of the majority of Americans for dictating American culture, Christian nationalists have mounted a legal-political crusade against all who refuse to embrace their religious worldview. The Supreme Court’s new conservative majority has steadily eroded the separation of church and state embedded in the Constitution.

Since the overturning of Roe v. Wade, these theocrats have successfully put their disdain and disregard for the life of the pregnant into law in one right-wing Republican-dominated state after another. But this is just the warm-up act.

Speaker of the House Mike Johnson and his fellow crusaders would like to inject their religious doctrine into the veins of every political aspect of federal law and public policy in an effort to establish religious hegemony. Conservative governors and legislators have arrogantly, brazenly and shamelessly invoked God and religion as the legislative purpose behind such draconian measures.

If we value the freedom to worship in our own way, such arrogant and disingenuous proselytizing has to be combated.